Comment

That could mean that the Fed must contemplate monetary tightening that significantly exceeds the so-called comfort zone of normalization that financial markets are currently discounting. A column by Stephen S. Roach.

In the case of Italy, then, the EU should remain flexible. But Rome must also implement the supply-side changes needed to sustain faster growth in the long term. A column by Mohamed A. El-Erian.

If a recession begins as soon as 2020, the Fed will not be in a position to reduce the federal funds rate significantly. Monetary policy might be unable to combat a downturn. A column by Martin Feldstein.

The EU should not just look at what the candidate countries in the Western Balkans are or have been, but also at the zeal with which they act in order to become what they aspire to be. A column by Ricardo Hausmann.

Those with the power to set and enforce EU fiscal and monetary rules know full well that the eurozone could not survive a Greek-style crisis in Italy. They must make sure it doesn’t come to that. A column by Jim O’Neill.

For the US to shrink its overall deficit, it must either reduce expenditures or increase savings. Nothing in the USMCA does that. A column by Anne O. Krueger.

China needs to shift from imported to indigenous innovation to avoid the middle-income trap. The US needs to refocus on innovation to overcome yet another productivity slowdown. A column by Stephen S. Roach.

At the multilateral level, there is a need for more frank, genuine, and cooperative discussion about the cross-border effects of individual countries’ policies. A column by Mohamed A. El-Erian.

The history of the 1980's is worth bearing in mind as we consider the potential global impact of the enormous tax cuts enacted by Trump and congressional Republicans last December. A column by Hans-Werner Sinn.

The Trump administration should make it clear to the Chinese that the US would end its tariffs if the Chinese stopped stealing American firms’ technology. A column by Martin Feldstein.

Three Scenarios have emerged as most likely. None of them involve a resolution in the very near-term. A column by Ethan Cramer-Flood.

While Russia’s annual growth rate is stuck at an anemic 1.5%, the annual civilian, legal, and other related costs of its military aggression are now at least 3-4% of GDP – or $45-60 billion. A column by Anders Åslund.